Islam and Pagan Kemetism in West Africa A Conflict of Faith and Identity, and the Instrumentalisation of History In the Battle for African Cultural and Religious Consciousness

The intellectual and cultural struggle in West Africa is no longer limited to the rivalry between Islam and Christianity, or between secularism and divine law. In recent decades, intellectual and cultural currents have emerged that seek to rebuild African identity on the basis of a return to the ancient religious beliefs that preceded the spread of Islam and Christianity on the continent, foremost among them what is known as “Kamitism” or “Kemetism” (Kémitisme).

This phenomenon is of particular importance in French-speaking African countries, notably Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal and others, where ancient African history, ancient Egyptian symbols and certain theses linked to Pharaonic civilisation are being used to produce a nationalist African discourse with cultural, philosophical and religious dimensions, calling for the restoration of what its proponents call “the authentic Black African identity.”

The problem does not lie in studying ancient Egyptian civilisation or in taking pride in Africans’ contributions to building human civilisations; that is a legitimate scholarly and cultural right. Rather, it lies in the shift of some currents from historical research to religious proselytising, and from criticism of cultural colonialism to the adoption of pagan conceptions, and even to portraying Islam and Christianity as two religions alien to Africa whose traces must be eliminated in order to restore African identity.

This article rests on eight important scholarly pillars for understanding the essence of the issue I am discussing:

First Pillar: The Concept of Kemetism, Linguistically and Terminologically

1- Kemetism linguistically:

The term Kemetism derives from the word “Kemet” (Kemet), an ancient Egyptian name associated with Egypt in Pharaonic times. Most Egyptologists translate it as “the Black Land,” referring to the fertile black soil left by the Nile flood, as distinct from “Deshret” (Deshret), meaning the Red Land, which refers to the desert.

This name has been used in contemporary African discourse to refer to ancient Egypt as part of Africa’s civilisational history. From it derive the term “Kamitism” or “Kemetism” (Kamitisme/Kémitisme), and the term “Kamite” to designate those who belong to this current.

It should be noted here that translating “Kemet” as “the land of the Blacks” or “the country of the Blacks” is not a matter of absolute consensus among all Egyptologists; the common interpretation in Egyptology links it to the fertility of the Nile Valley land and the blackness of its silt. Its use in the sense of a unifying racial identity for Black Africans is part of contemporary intellectual debate.

2- Kemetism as a term:

Terminologically, Kemetism is a contemporary intellectual, cultural and spiritual movement that draws inspiration from ancient Egyptian civilisation, its religious beliefs, philosophy and symbols, and calls for the rehabilitation of what it calls the original African identity and the revival of the civilisational and religious heritage that prevailed in Africa before the spread of Islam and Christianity.

The orientations of this current vary: some focus on recovering African history, resisting Eurocentrism, re-reading ancient Egyptian civilisation from an African perspective, setting aside divine laws and burning sacred books; others go further, adopting ancient Egyptian beliefs and rituals and reviving the worship of Pharaonic gods and religious symbols.

This variation is important: not everyone who defends the Africanness of ancient Egyptian civilisation is a Kamite in the religious sense, and not every researcher in Pharaonic history is a follower of this current. Moving from pride in history to embracing a religious creed is another matter entirely.

In Egypt today there are currents and figures who adopt Kemetic thought and work to restore ancient Egyptian identity and link it to Pharaonic civilisation. However, Egyptian Kemetism differs in its premises and its intellectual and cultural references from Black African–oriented Kemetism, which seeks to incorporate ancient Egypt into a Black African identity and asserts that ancient Egyptian civilisation belongs racially and culturally exclusively to Black Africans. Some proponents of this orientation consider the Pharaohs to have been Black Africans of Negro origin, regard the Pharaoh as their ancestor, and view ancient Egyptian heritage as a purely Black African heritage.

Egyptian Kemetists do not recognise the thesis advanced by Black African–oriented Kemetic currents. They reject reducing Pharaonic civilisation to a Black African identity, or the claim that the Pharaohs were all of Negro origin, holding that the Pharaohs belong to the civilisational history of ancient Egypt and that Pharaonic heritage is an authentic Egyptian heritage, not a Black African heritage in the exclusive racial sense put forward by those currents. From this standpoint, they hold fast to the distinctiveness of ancient Egyptian identity and reject subjecting Egypt’s history and civilisation to imported racial conceptions that seek to monopolise the Pharaonic legacy and redefine it according to specific ethnic affiliations.

Therefore, sharing the name “Kemetism” and raising the “key of life” emblem does not necessarily mean a unity of vision, goals or references; there are not mere differences but fundamental disagreements between the two currents in defining ancient Egyptian identity, the nature of its civilisational and racial belonging, and its relationship with the other African peoples.

The report of the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons (OFPRA), published on 12 April 2023 under the title (Mali : Le mouvement kamite), indicated that Kemetism began as a cultural and intellectual movement linked to establishing the historical, linguistic and cultural connections between African peoples, but that among some of its followers it developed into a religious and spiritual orientation that rejects the religions this discourse classifies as imported, including Islam, Christianity and Judaism.

Second Pillar: Three Main Orientations of Kemetism

Kemetism is not a homogeneous intellectual or religious current; today it is divided into three main orientations that differ in their premises and goals, even though they share inspiration from ancient Egyptian civilisation and its symbols:

1. Religious Kemetism: It advocates reviving the ancient Egyptian religion, resuming the practice of its rituals and the worship of its gods, and adopting the Pharaonic religious heritage as a contemporary spiritual reference. This orientation is represented by certain groups and figures, among them followers of Kemetic Orthodoxy.
2. Identity Kemetism: It uses ancient Egyptian civilisation and its symbols to build a contemporary cultural and ethnic identity, and seeks to redefine Egyptian belonging by invoking the Pharaonic legacy. This orientation is prominent among a number of figures and currents in Egypt.
3. Black African–oriented African Kemetism: It adopts a racial reading of ancient Egyptian civilisation, linking it exclusively to Black African identity, and some of its currents go so far as to regard the Pharaohs as the racial ancestors of Black Africans. Some of these currents do not stop at re-reading history but go beyond it, calling for the rejection of Islam and the heavenly religions and for the revival of ancient African religious beliefs and references as an alternative to them.

Herein lies the importance of distinguishing between these orientations: not all pride in Pharaonic civilisation is a call to revive paganism, and not every project to rebuild Egyptian or African identity necessarily adopts the same position towards Islam and the heavenly laws.

Third Pillar: Kemetic Orthodoxy

It is important to distinguish between Kemetism in general and what is known as “Kemetic Orthodoxy” (Kemetic Orthodoxy), an organised contemporary religious movement based on reviving ancient Egyptian religious beliefs and linking them to Orthodox Christianity.

This movement was founded by Tamara Lynn Siuda in the late 1980s. It presents itself as a modern extension of ancient Egyptian religious traditions and adopts a doctrinal and ritual system inspired by the ancient Egyptian religion, which is a Pharaonic religion. Tamara Siuda is an American researcher in Egyptology and religion and the founder of the “Kemetic Orthodoxy” movement (Kemetic Orthodoxy); she is one of the most prominent contemporary figures who have worked to revive ancient Egyptian religious practices.

Among the most prominent features of this movement:

1. Belief in the ancient Egyptian gods, known in Egyptian texts as the Netjeru.
2. Attention to the concept of Ma’at (Ma’at), associated with truth, justice, order and cosmic balance.
3. Reviving rituals, prayers and religious practices inspired by the ancient Egyptian temples.
4. Rebuilding the spiritual bond between contemporary humans and what the movement considers the religious heritage of Kemet.

This movement differs from mere historical studies of Egyptian civilisation; it presents itself as a living religious practice, not simply an interest in Pharaonic heritage.

Fourth Pillar: The Most Prominent Theorists and Writers of Kemetism in the Francophone African Sphere

French-speaking African cultural circles have seen the emergence of a number of writers who have contributed to spreading Kemetic ideas. It can be said that the most prominent leaders of Kemetism in sub-Saharan Africa today belong to the Francophone sphere, whether through books, lectures, associations or social media.

Among the most notable names that deserve attention:

1. Cheikh Anta Diop (1923–1986), a Senegalese historian and thinker.

One cannot speak of the intellectual roots of the modern Kemetic movement without pausing at the Senegalese thinker Cheikh Anta Diop, who had a major influence on re-reading African history and ancient Egyptian civilisation, and who laid one of the first intellectual foundations of Kemetic thought.

Among his most important works in this field:

– Nations nègres et culture (1954).

Negro Nations and Culture.

– L’Unité culturelle de l’Afrique noire (1959).

The Cultural Unity of Black Africa.

– Antériorité des civilisations nègres : mythe ou vérité historique ? (1967).

The Anteriority of Negro Civilisations: Myth or Historical Truth?

– Civilisation ou barbarie (1981).

Civilisation or Barbarism?

Diop defended the African roots of ancient Egyptian civilisation and sought to establish the historical, linguistic and cultural links between ancient Egypt and the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. However, it is scholarly necessary not to classify him automatically among the followers of religious Kemetism; his intellectual, historical and political project was broader than merely reviving the ancient Egyptian religion. Defending the Africanness of Egyptian civilisation does not necessarily mean adopting its religious beliefs.

2. Théophile Obenga (1936–2025), a Congolese historian, linguist and thinker.

Obenga is considered one of the most prominent of those who continued research into the linguistic and historical links between ancient Egypt and African languages. He focused on comparing the ancient Egyptian language with modern African languages, and defended the unity of certain African civilisational and linguistic roots.

Among his important works on this subject:

– Origines communes de l’égyptien ancien, du copte et des langues négro-africaines modernes (1993).

The Common Origins of Ancient Egyptian, Coptic and Modern Negro-African Languages.

– La philosophie africaine de la période pharaonique (1990).

African Philosophy of the Pharaonic Period.

– L’Égypte, la Grèce et l’école d’Alexandrie (2005).

Egypt, Greece and the School of Alexandria.

3. Doumbi-Fakoly (1944–2024), a Malian writer and activist in the revival of the ancient African religion.

His name is associated with the founding and activity of the Rally for the Rehabilitation of the Negro-African Religion in the spirit of Ma’at, known by its acronym (3RNA-MAAYA). He also took part in organising activities and seminars calling for the restoration of the ancient African religious reference.

Among his most notable works:

– L’islam est-il une religion pour les noirs ? (2009).

Is Islam a Religion for Black People?

– Ces dieux et ces égrégores étrangers qui tuent le peuple noir (2008).

Those Foreign Gods and Egregores That Are Killing the Black People.

– Les Chemins de la Maât (2008).

The Paths of Ma’at.

– L’origine négro-africaine des religions dites révélées (2004).

The Negro-African Origin of the So-Called Revealed Religions.

– Initiation et sociétés secrètes kamites (2020).

Initiation and Kamite Secret Societies.

– Livret de rituels kamites : naissances, mariage et enterrement (2018).

Booklet of Kamite Rituals: Births, Marriage and Burial.

It is noteworthy that some of these works are not limited to restoring ancient Egyptian heritage, but address Islam and the heavenly religions critically and attempt to reinterpret religions and beliefs through a Kemetic frame of reference.

His book (Is Islam a Religion for Black People?) is of particular importance to the subject of this article, because it clearly reveals the shift of the debate from the historical and cultural domain to questioning African Muslims’ belonging to Islam, portraying it as a religion foreign to them that does not suit their nature and identity. The National Library of France has catalogued his works, and has also recorded the publication of the booklet of Kamite rituals under his direction in 2018.

4. Jean-Philippe Omotunde (1967–2022), a writer and theorist, considered one of the most prominent contemporary names in the Kemetic current.

He is one of the leading names in spreading Kemetic thought in Francophone African circles. He focused on re-reading African history, defending Africa’s civilisational centrality, and linking ancient Egyptian civilisation to Black African cultural heritage.

Among his most notable works:

– Qu’est-ce qu’être Kamit(e) ? (2010).

What Does It Mean to Be a Kamite?

– Discours afrocentriste sur l’aliénation culturelle (2006).

An Afrocentric Discourse on Cultural Alienation.

– Manuel d’études des humanités classiques africaines (2007).

Handbook for the Study of Classical African Humanities.

– L’origine négro-africaine du savoir grec (2000).

The Negro-African Origin of Greek Knowledge.

– Les racines africaines de la civilisation européenne (2002).

The African Roots of European Civilisation.

The importance of his book (What Does It Mean to Be a Kamite?) lies in the fact that it does not merely present history, but discusses the identity, belonging and civilisational and spiritual reference that this current seeks to build. The catalogues of the National Library of France and of the library of the French Institute in Burkina Faso confirm the existence of a number of these works and their circulation in the Francophone cultural sphere.

5. Kôrêdjô-Missa Doumbia, a Malian writer interested in traditional culture and Kemetism in Mali.

He is one of the names associated with the traditional cultural and Kemetic movement in Mali, and is an activist in the association “Maâya Blôn” (Maâya Blôn), which is concerned with rehabilitating African history, traditions and ancient institutions, particularly the heritage of the Manding region (Manden).

His activity has been linked to lectures and publications on African history and traditional heritage, and he is mentioned in reports on the Kemetic movement in Mali among the active figures in this field. Here, too, one must distinguish between his contribution to historical and linguistic studies and the religious orientations of some contemporary Kemetists; not everyone who adopts the historical theses of Diop and Obenga necessarily adopts Kemetism as a religion.

Academic studies have examined the influence of Diop and Obenga on the development of Afrocentric thought and the emergence of modern Kemetism linked to Négritude, and have discussed their methods of linguistic and historical comparison, including the points of disagreement and scholarly criticism.

Fifth Pillar: Kemetism in Burkina Faso, Mali and West Africa

Kemetism is no longer merely a set of ideas circulating in books and intellectual seminars outside the continent; it now has organisational and social manifestations in some African countries, including Mali and Burkina Faso.

The 2023 study by the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons (OFPRA) points to the existence of the Kemetic movement in Mali, and to the link between some of its activities and associations and groups concerned with reviving the ancient African religion, most notably:

1. The Rally for the Rehabilitation of the Negro-African Religion in the spirit of Ma’at (3RNA-MAAYA), associated with Doumbi-Fakoly.
2. The Maâya Blôn association (Maâya Blôn), associated with Kôrêdjô-Missa Doumbia.

The study states that the activities of these groups, as they spread more widely, include meetings, seminars and practices of a traditional and spiritual nature. It also indicates that some practices associated with the current include divination, sacrifices, offerings and recourse to traditional practitioners. It should be noted that these practices are not necessarily shared by all those who identify with Kemetism.

In Burkina Faso, the phenomenon has become a subject of direct academic study, particularly in the capital Ouagadougou, following the emergence of a number of movements and organisations that raise the banner of Kemetism and call for it, and for a return to ancient African identity and spiritual references, basing their discourse on ancient Egyptian civilisation and Afrocentricity (African centrality).

Among the most prominent organisations documented in an academic study by Jérémie Pogorowa, entitled (Strategies of Legitimation of Kemetic Movements in Ouagadougou) (Stratégies de légitimation des mouvements kémites à Ouagadougou), published in 2025, pages 378–391, are the movement (Two Hours for Us, Two Hours for Kemet) (2h pour nous, 2h pour Kamita) and the organisation (The Great Return of Africa to the Land of Its Ancestors) (LEGRATA).

The study examined their activities over the period from 2017 to 2024, including ritual practices, seminars and media activities, and pointed to the existence of local figures and actors who lead these activities and work to spread Kemetic discourse in student and cultural circles.

As for individuals, the study gives pseudonyms for a number of influential actors, because the researcher was committed to concealing the participants’ identities. Among them are (Bala) (Bala), one of the founders of the movement (Two Hours for Us, Two Hours for Kemet); (Yirsob) (Yirsob), one of the founders of LEGRATA; (Wendsida) (Wendsida), one of its members; as well as the figure (Koumbia) (Koumbia), associated with the Faso Kudumdé association, among others. Therefore, these names cannot be taken as their real names or presented as the names of declared leaders.

The aforementioned study is of great importance because it examined the figures and actors who lead Kemetic activities. I will devote a separate article to Kemetism in Burkina Faso, because the theses relating to it move the debate from impressions and comments on social media to field research in Burkinabè society, and show that Kemetism has become a subject worthy of study from the perspective of the sociology of religion and political anthropology.

Sixth Pillar: Islam and Kemetism — Where Does the Real Conflict Lie?

The fundamental problem in the relationship between Islam and Kemetism does not lie in pride in African history, nor in the study of ancient Egyptian civilisation, nor in demanding the independence of African cultural and intellectual decision-making from Western hegemony.

Islam does not prevent Muslims from taking pride in the history of their ancestors and in the heroism, courage, social values and other things they were known for that elevate human dignity; nor does it forbid them from studying ancient civilisations, nor does it require them to deny the scientific and cultural achievements of African peoples, past and present.

Indeed, Islam recognises the civilisational and linguistic diversity of peoples, and makes the distinction between human beings a matter of piety and righteous deeds, not of colour, race or geographical origin. Allah the Exalted says: (O mankind, We have created you from a male and a female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you) Surat al-Hujurat: 13.

And in a hadith narrated by Ahmad and al-Bayhaqi: (O people! Your Lord is One and your father is one. Indeed, there is no superiority of an Arab over a non-Arab, nor of a non-Arab over an Arab, nor of a red-skinned person over a black person, nor of a black person over a red-skinned person, except by piety. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you). It has been authenticated by a number of scholars and hadith specialists, among them Imam al-Albani, Shu‘ayb al-Arna’ut and al-Haythami, may Allah have mercy on them.

But the conflict begins when pride in African identity turns into a call to abandon Islam, or when Islam is portrayed as a religion foreign to Africa, and African Muslims are asked to return to the worship of ancestral idols, or to the worship of ancient Egyptian gods, or to adopt pagan religious conceptions that contradict the creed of monotheism (tawhid). This is where Kemetism collides with Islam, bearing in mind that I see in some of these orientations a proxy war against Islam.

For this reason, I found it necessary to discuss a number of mistaken ideas held by contemporary advocates of Kemetism, including:

1. The fallacy that Islam is an Arab religion with no connection to Africa and unsuited to African society:

One of the theses most frequently repeated in some Kemetic discourses is the description of Islam as an Arab religion foreign to Africa, and the claim that Africans’ conversion to it was the result of cultural invasion or religious colonialism.

This thesis ignores an African Islamic history spanning more than thirteen centuries, and ignores the fact that Islam spread across vast areas of the continent through merchants, scholars, preachers, and scholarly and trade routes, and that African societies were not merely passive recipients of the religion, but contributed to spreading it and developing its scholarly and cultural institutions.

Major Islamic centres of learning arose in West Africa, such as Timbuktu, Djenné and Gao, and African scholars emerged who contributed to the sciences of the Qur’an, hadith, jurisprudence, language and history. Consequently, portraying Islam as a mere Arab product imposed on Africa is a historical reduction that does not withstand examination of the facts.

2. Using race in religious conflict:

Some Kemetic writings rest on the idea that Islam does not represent the identity of the authentic Black African, and that a return to the ancient African religion is a condition for restoring his civilisational dignity.

This is a discourse that confuses racial belonging with religious belonging, and makes colour and racial identity the criterion for determining one’s creed. The truth is that Islam did not make Arabness a condition of faith, nor did it make belonging to a particular tribe or race a condition for entering it. A Burkinabè Muslim is no less African than a non-Muslim, and a Malian Muslim is no less attached to the history of his country than a follower of any traditional religion.

The attempt to set Islam in opposition to a person’s Africanness is an attempt to create an unnecessary identity battle, one that does not serve the unity of African societies.

3. Reviving pagan beliefs under the banner of cultural liberation:

Among the most prominent problems worth discussing is that some currents are not content with calling for the study of ancient beliefs, but seek to revive their forms of worship and rituals and present them as the spiritual alternative to which Africans should return. This tendency appears in some works dealing with the ancient Egyptian gods, Kemetic rituals, prayer, offerings and divination, and the reconstruction of the religious reference on the basis of Ma’at and the Netjeru.

From the perspective of Islamic creed, the worship of anything other than Allah, whatever its historical or cultural background, contradicts the foundation of monotheism, and a Muslim should keep away from it. For this reason, it is also important not to confuse the historical study of these beliefs with embracing and practising them religiously; the former is a field of scholarly research, while the latter is a doctrinal and religious stance.

4. Targeting the Islamic reference in African societies:

The most dangerous possible outcome of this discourse is the transformation of historical and cultural difference into conflict between components of the same society. In West Africa, for example, a Muslim-majority region, there are societies of deep religious and cultural diversity, where Muslims, Christians and followers of traditional beliefs live within a single social fabric, and those who spread Islam or embrace it are accepted without notable problems or obstacles. It would be wrong for the call to revive African heritage to become a means of excluding Muslims or casting doubt on their national and civilisational belonging.

Likewise, it is the duty of Muslims not to respond to some of these provocative theses with indiscriminate takfir (declaring others unbelievers), aggression or incitement, but with knowledge, argument, historical research and disciplined intellectual rebuttal, especially when powerful parties stand behind them.

Seventh Pillar: An Intellectual and Cultural Proxy Conflict — Who Benefits?

My description of the conflict between Islam and Kemetism as an intellectual and cultural proxy conflict calls for a degree of careful understanding. What is meant is not a categorical assertion that all Kemetic movements receive funding or direction from foreign parties; rather, it is that these ideas can become tools in wider conflicts over Africa’s identity and its religious, cultural and political reference, and that they can be exploited by external parties and followers of other religions to restrict Islam and Muslims under the slogan of peaceful coexistence between religions.

Here, three fundamental issues stand out:

1. Exploiting the colonial grievance

Africa was subjected to long European colonialism and still suffers the effects of some of its forms. It was accompanied by cultural and racial arrogance and attempts to marginalise the history of African peoples and deny their civilisational contributions. It is natural that intellectual movements should arise demanding the restoration of history, dignity and identity. But the problem appears when this grievance is used to justify rejecting Islam, as though liberation from European influence could only be achieved by also getting rid of the Islamic religion.

2. Reshaping the African cultural reference

The struggle over Africa’s identity is not a purely historical struggle; it is a struggle over the reference that will determine the future of African societies: will that reference be based on civilisational plurality with respect for existing religions, or will a single religious identity be imposed on them in the name of returning to the past? Hence, one must be alert to the fact that some intellectual projects may use the discourse of liberation from the West to offer a new religious and cultural alternative, without this necessarily constituting liberation from intellectual dependency.

3. Exploiting tensions between Islam and the West:

Amid the political transformations taking place in the African Sahel region, and the decline of French influence in a number of its countries, the battle over consciousness and identity is growing in importance. No current, whatever its reference, should be left free to monopolise the discourse of African liberation or to portray Islam as part of foreign hegemony. Islam does not belong to the Arabs, it is not a project to Arabise Africa, and it is not an extension of cultural colonialism; just as African civilisation does not belong to the Kemetic currents alone.

The question that should be asked is: why are multiple cultural and historical readings of African identity permitted, while there is a desire to exclude millions of African Muslims from this identity merely because they hold fast to Islam?

Confronting this discourse does not mean launching unproven accusations, but exposing its contradictions, studying its sources, analysing its writings and discussing its historical and religious theses, while demanding transparency regarding any foreign funding or direction that is proven by evidence.

Eighth Pillar: How Should Muslims in West Africa Deal with This Current?

Confronting religious Kemetism requires a scholarly and intellectual strategy, not emotional or impulsive reactions, nor retaliation in kind such as insults, abuse and fighting, but rather knowledge, learning and the dissemination of sound Islamic creed.

I believe a number of steps are necessary:

1. Preparing scholarly studies in French

Because most Kemetic writings and publications circulating in West Africa are published in French, specialised scholarly responses should be provided in the same language.

2. Training Muslim researchers in African history

It is not enough for a researcher to be knowledgeable in jurisprudence and creed; he must also have knowledge of West African history, ancient civilisations, Egyptology and religious anthropology.

3. Teaching African Islamic history

And highlighting the contributions of the scholars of Timbuktu, Djenné, Gao and Kano, and the centres of learning in Mali, Senegal, Burkina Faso and elsewhere, so that African history in the minds of the generations is not confined to the Pharaonic era.

4. Deconstructing Kemetic theses scholarly from their sources

The works of Cheikh Anta Diop, Omotunde, Doumbi-Fakoly and others should be read, and what they put forward about Islam, the heavenly religions and African identity should be analysed, rather than merely relaying general accusations about them.

5. Distinguishing between historical research and religious proselytising

Not every researcher in Pharaonic civilisation is an adversary of Islam, and not everyone interested in African heritage belongs to religious Kemetism.

6. Not abandoning the cultural and media space

Islamic institutions in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Senegal and elsewhere must realise that the intellectual battle is no less important than missionary and educational work, and must set up research and media programmes to discuss these phenomena.

7. Preserving social coexistence

Confronting ideas does not mean attacking those who hold them or inciting against them; rather, it means practising scholarly and da‘wah-based criticism, respecting the rights of individuals and communities, and inviting them in the way that is best.

In conclusion, I say: Kemetism today is not merely an interest in ancient Egyptian civilisation, nor merely a movement of pride in African history; it encompasses multiple orientations, some of which have gone so far as to build a religious project that seeks to revive ancient Egyptian pagan beliefs and present them as the authentic spiritual reference of the African person.

Africans have the right to take pride in their history, to study the civilisations of their ancestors, and to reject Eurocentrism and falsified colonial history; but this pride need not turn into a rejection of Islam or a call to revive pagan beliefs.

Muslims in West Africa are not guests on the continent, nor strangers to its history; they are an authentic part of its societies, history and culture, and they have contributed to building its schools, centres of learning, and social and political institutions.

No intellectual current may confiscate their right to African belonging, or place them before a false choice between Islam and African identity. Africa does not belong to Kemetism, nor is it the preserve of Christianity or traditional beliefs, just as Islam is not a foreign body in its history. The African Muslim has the right to take pride in his Africanness, hold fast to his Islam, and defend the history of his continent, without being forced to give up one of these belongings for the sake of another.